The article deals with the issue of parliamentary dissolution in European countries in order to provide alternative rules for the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies in the Czech Republic. The core of the article lies in a comparative analysis of constitutions of European countries in relation to dissolution powers. The analysis uses three criteria to analyze parliamentary dissolution: purpose of dissolution, actors involved in the process and restrictions imposed upon using the dissolution power. Another perspective, which the article adopts, is a classification of European countries according to the role government has in the parliamentary dissolution.
This article analyses the political system of so called Transnistrian Moldovan Republic (PMR) which is a de facto state lacking international recognition. First, the historical circumstances of PMR´s establishment and specific characteristics of this de facto state are explained. Second part of this article focuses on the constitutional framework and explains the main institutions and their powers. The third part analyses the political system on the basis of J. J. Linz´s description of authoritarian regimes – it explains the limited pluralism in PMR, its specific mentality and absence of political mobilization. The article concludes that the current political system of PMR can be classified as authoritarian in the sense of Linz´s definition.
The article provides a qualitative analysis of the local government development in Sweden. This case study focuses on the Free Commune Experiment (FCE) and describes particular phases of this project within the time period from 1984 till December 1991, stressing the aspects of decentralization and deregulation. It particularly deals with a right to establish a more flexible structure of the municipal committees and authorities which were granted a permission to be exempted from central government regulations, thus avoiding the excessive burden to the optimal adjustment to local needs. The article also mentions facts that initiated the FCE project, analyzes the FCE structure and gives an overview of its results, covering the parlous issues of the process.
The extensive financial crisis together with a definitive refusal of the Catalonian Statute of Autonomy shortly before the Catalonian election has created an environment favorable to appeals for greater independence for Catalonia. After years of electoral decrements the Catalan nationalist coalition Convergence and Union overwhelmingly won the autonomous election of 2010. The success of the CiU was accompanied by the appearance of a wide range of new catalanist parties as well as a significant loss of votes for the leftist government, blamed for their fiscal policy of placating the National Government in Madrid. This article emphasizes that the election of 2010 slightly differs from all previous autonomous elections in Catalonia. What are the reasons for this turnaround? We consider more carefully the results of the 2010 elections by employing measures of electoral volatility, index of competiveness, index of the regional vote, area of (super)electoral support and index of electoral stability.