This article is searching for the motivation of founding of the European Conservatives and Reformists Group in the European Parliament. It focuses on the two most important actors – the Czech Civic Democratic Party (ODS) and the British Conservative Party (CONS). The effort of the parties mentioned to exclude themselves from the mainstream is explained using the rational choice institutionalism. The special attention is paid to the case of ODS and CONS leaving the European People Party-European Democrats, and establishing their own political group. The analysis emphasizes the maximizing of the freedom of speech at the costs of political influence. The core of the analysis is a quantitative comparison of indicators which are evaluating the behaviour of the MEPs in all relevant aspects of their activities. The time period observed in the article is the 6th term of the EP and 7th term till 28. 11. 2011.
Slovakia is the most ethnically heterogeneous central European country. Relations between majority and minorities influences not only its internal policy but also its international relations. This article is focused on the governmental policy towards national minorities in Slovakia after the creation of the independent Slovak republic. This period was very important and influenced by many factors, mainly by governments nation-building policies. Moreover the government was made from nation-populists parties. How these factors influenced policies towards minorities? Were these policies cooperational and similar to all minorities? This text works with the hypothesis that it was not, that the relation between government and national minorities were mainly conflicting.
This article examines not only the last statement of the German far-left terrorist organization The Red Army Faction from spring 1998 but it goes all the way to the foundation of the most ruthless post-war terrorist organization in Europe. By analyzing their thoughts it tries to show origins of radical thinking in the German society after the Second World War.
The article aims to critically consider relevancy of ambitions of the Oromo diaspora in regard to potential independence of Oromia, which is one of the main goals of some of the liberation fronts including the Oromo Liberation Front. As I argue, there exist several barriers and obstacles to the Oromo nationalism to reach these heights. These include the lack of internal coherence within the Oromo nationalism, and absolute lack of any kind of international support to the Oromo question. The Oromo secessionism is compared to other more or less successful secessionist attempts in the Horn of Africa including Eritrea, Somaliland, and South Sudan.
The electoral reform of 1907 for the Lower House of the Austrian parliament abolished the system of corporate representation rested on curiae and the “universal” male suffrage became henceforth equal. Not only was women’s suffrage not included into the reform, but also the rest of previously existing restricted women’s rights was cancelled by it. The article deals with the Czech women’s suffrage movement/s discourse/es on the electoral reform of 1907. It aims to trace how the reform, and especially the fact that it did not include the women’s suffrage, was perceived and presented by the representatives of the movement/s and how these representatives themselves understood and used the term “universal suffrage”. The analysis shows that we can trace two different discourses on the reform: whereas the discourse of the representatives of the civic and national socialist women’s movements on the reform was based on the critique of the fact that women’s suffrage was not included, this fact was perceived as secondary by the representatives of the social democratic women’s movement who presented the introduction of the women’s suffrage as a logical consequence of the introduction of the “universal” male suffrage.